K B Jandial
It is more than four months since Omar Abdullah assumed office as the first Chief Minister of the Union Territory (UT) of Jammu and Kashmir. Following a highly charged election campaign against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in September-October 2024, Omar secured a decisive mandate from the people, the only party to get seats in both regions. However, contrary to expectations from opposition leaders within the INDIA bloc, he did not adopt an aggressive stance akin to Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal. Instead, he has portrayed himself as a composed and seasoned politician, shedding the historically anti-Delhi, anti-Modi, and anti-Jammu rhetoric often associated with his party, the National Conference (NC). His measured approach has included occasional praise for Prime Minister Narendra Modi and pointed remarks against his political allies in the Congress and the INDIA bloc. These actions have fuelled speculation regarding the possibility of the NC rejoining the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), a coalition it had previously been a part of. Omar’s father, Dr. Farooq Abdullah, the NC President, had once remarked before aligning with Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s NDA that, in politics, no party is untouchable.

Straight Talk

Political analysts remain uncertain about Omar’s long-term strategy. Despite the limitations placed on the governance of a UT, he has managed to administer the region without engaging in conflicts with the Lieutenant Governor (LG) or the Central Government over his powers or the delay in restoring full statehood to Jammu and Kashmir. Some of the hardliners within his party are uneasy about this approach, but Omar does not appear to be in any hurry. In a surprising revelation during his first media interaction, he stated that governing a UT was “easier than anticipated.”
Omar has rightly questioned the constitutional arrangement of a Union territory with a Legislative Assembly. He is right that if the elected Govt in a UT has truncated powers of governance with dual power centres where is the need to have UT with Assembly. If you don’t allow the elected Govt powers to meet the aspirations of the people, then you have only two types of administrative units- State and Union Territory ( without Assembly like Ladakh). There is merit in his views.
Despite the constitutional constraints that limit the powers of UT Governments, neither Omar nor Dr. Farooq Abdullah has publicly criticized the Central Government for withholding statehood, even though they have been raising the issue with a positive frame of mind. It is unlikely that they are unaware of the Modi Govt’s reluctance to restore statehood in the near future, yet Omar has chosen to maintain a politically composed stance. Rather than engaging in confrontational politics, Omar has been focusing on governance, using powers available under the current framework. It remains to be seen whether these efforts will yield tangible results on the ground.
It is important to note that political parties contesting elections in a UT are fully aware of the restricted powers of a UT Govt. Even Kejriwal knew these limitations but when he assumed office in Delhi, he chose to engage in constant political confrontations, creating an atmosphere of tension and instability. Kejriwal spent considerable time, energy, and Government resources on his battles with the LG and the Central Government rather than focusing on good governance. Despite these frequent conflicts, he managed to maintain his political appeal through a mix of populist policies, freebies, and a carefully crafted image of victimhood and innocence.
Omar Abdullah, however, does not share Kejriwal’s political temperament and has chosen a different path, albeit a more positive one. He appears committed to functioning within the prescribed framework of governance for a UT, resisting the temptation to engage in a Kashmir-Delhi political showdown. Such confrontations may provide him with media attention but would not guarantee support or special funding from the Central Government to address the pressing needs of the people. During a media interaction in Srinagar, Omar candidly shared his thoughts about his initial experience in office. Reflecting on his Government’s two-month tenure, he noted, “We have been in power for more than two months now. It took us some time to understand the functioning of a Government in a UT… It was easier than anticipated.” He reiterated his party’s commitment to fulfilling the promises made before the elections, recognizing that the people had given the NC a clear mandate to govern. The challenge, however, lies in delivering on those promises within the constraints of the UT’s temporary status and the divided authority between the Chief Minister and the LG.
A significant and straightforward assertion made by Omar was that the Central Government was not obstructing his administration. He dismissed political rumours of interference or pressure from Delhi, setting aside the typical narrative used by many non-Central Governments in Jammu and Kashmir to fuel political discord. Omar emphasized that both the Prime Minister and the Home Minister had assured him of their full support and had acknowledged the people’s electoral mandate. However, he also hinted that if these assurances did not translate into meaningful cooperation, he might have to reassess his Government’s relationship with the centre. His approach appears to prioritize cooperation over confrontation, with the latter being reserved as a last resort.
Regardless of which party governs at the Centre, a confrontational approach toward a sensitive region like Jammu and Kashmir is never advisable, even after the abrogation of Article 370. The history of tense relations between Delhi and Srinagar demonstrates that political discord has been detrimental to both Kashmir and the country as a whole. With elections largely behind us, it is time to set aside political animosities and prioritize governance in Jammu and Kashmir. Stability, development, and the well-being of the people should be at the forefront. If these objectives are met, both the Modi Government and Omar Abdullah’s administration will be credited for their efforts. Supporting Omar could also help him maintain control over hardline elements within his party, which would further bolster the stability of the region. From the Central Government’s perspective, allowing a democratically elected leader to function effectively under the UT framework could be an opportunity to demonstrate the advantages of strengthening democracy and federalism in Jammu and Kashmir.
It is increasingly evident that the Modi administration is in no rush to restore statehood to Jammu and Kashmir. Given this reality, a more pragmatic approach would be to create a conducive political and administrative environment that allows Omar’s Government greater flexibility within the UT framework. It is perplexing that even five months after the formation of the democratic Government, the business rules defining the scope of authority for each authority have not been finalized. This has left the bureaucracy in a state of uncertainty and to some extent, confusion. He deserves some space beyond the limits of constitutional arrangement for a UT.
Unlike other UTs, Jammu and Kashmir has unique internal security challenges, and while the UT Government does not have direct control over security matters, inclusion of the Chief Minister in security review meetings could send a positive message to the people besides keeping him on the positive side. Political backing of the ruling party would be an advantage in this sensitive situation where unintentional harm to the innocent residents during operations, cannot be ruled out. Additionally, the Chief Minister should be given some say on matters like transfers and postings of officers, including officers of All India Services. A model akin to the one applicable in Delhi could be considered for Jammu and Kashmir UT as well.
A Government elected through a robust democratic process deserves better treatment. There is a need to explore a new governance model that considers the historically strained relations between elected Governments and the LG in UTs, particularly in light of the adversarial dynamics witnessed during AAP’s tenure in Delhi. Making Omar a Kejriwal is very easy but to keep him away from his brand of political anarchy for long may prove challenging.
In all probability, shifting political dynamics in J&K may push Omar toward a confrontational approach. It must be acknowledged that his engagement in constructive governance is a more sustainable and beneficial strategy for the people of J&K and the nation, particularly as Kashmir still garners international attention despite abrogation of Article 370. This matter warrants serious consideration by the Modi Government and the BJP, transcending narrow political strategies. National interests must take precedence over short-term political objectives. Achieving lasting peace in Kashmir requires a mature approach that respects the aspirations of its diverse regions, ensuring stability and inclusive development.
As the Jammu and Kashmir UT Budget session approaches next week, it is essential for the BJP, as a strong opposition party, to avoid the temptation of creating media spectacles by obstructing the House’s orderly conduct, as seen in recent parliamentary scenes. Instead, they should seek accountability from the Government on crucial public matters, taking on a constructive rather than obstructive role in their opposition. Such strategy, if adopted in the Temple of Democracy, would only negate the gain of one of the fairest electoral processes in Kashmir with unprecedented people’s participation.
(feedback: kbjandial@gmail.com)

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