Vikas Kapoor
vikaskapoorjk@gmail.com
Well written by former statesman, historian and diplomat – Sardar K M Panikkar, 80 years ago that “Without well-considered and effective naval policy, India’s position in the world will be weak, dependent on others and her freedom at the mercy of any country capable of controlling the India Ocean”.
‘Admiral Zheng He’s’ – voyage to the India Ocean Region (IOR) in the early 15th century under Ming dynasty, came to a halt and so called treasure Ships dismantled. In the centuries that followed, China had No maritime presence worth the name in India Ocean but in 2008 that PLAN (People’s Liberation Army Navy) began to use its Anti-Piracy operations in Gulf of Aden to develop quasi-permanent presence. Overtime PLAN began to maintain Five warships in the IOR for patrolling and conducting escort missions.
China’s presence in IOR (Indian Occean region) has manifested itself through dual – use BRI (Belt & roads initiatives) projects such as the “Kyaukphyu deep sea port in Rakhine state in Myanmar, Hambantota in Srilanka, and Gwadar in Pakistan as well as REAM in Cambodia and Djibouti in Africa”. It’s a matter of great Irony that Hambantota port had initially been offered to India and only after India failed to respond that it was offered to China. Several media reports have inferred that China has built a surveillance post in COCO Islands of Myanmar, just North of Andaman & Nicobar islands of India. Mayanmar Army infact had requested India to provide a radar to be positioned on these islands, However, nothing came out of it. However, in recent years, India has gifted Myanmar a Kilo class Submarine.
India must carefully examine the facts of the Chinese presence, and take necessary steps. If keeping China out of IOR is not an Option, Obviously the steps considered by India have to bank more on gathering timely and accurate intelligence about PLAN’s(People Liberation Army – Navy of China) presence and activities. This implies the development of effective surveillance capabilities, both surface and subsurface, as well as a degree of deterrence capability. Specifically India should develop enhanced Air and Maritime surveillance platforms for regular monitoring of the Bay of Bengal as well as Western Indian Ocean.
To achieve this, the Indian Navy’ fleet of P-81aircraft, Unmanned aerial vehicles, Maritime patrol aircraft, and space based intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance assets should be augumented, along side expansion of underwater domain awareness with sensors, sonars, and integrated networks for real-time tracking of submarines and surface vessels.
India must strengthen its coastal and island defences by investing in rapid response and expeditionary capabilities in Andaman- Nicobar and Lakshadweep islands. Priorities should include advanced amphibious warships, missile systems and antisubmarine warfare capabilities. Enhancing Air defence and fighter aircraft presence on its island territories that reach out far into the IOR is integral to the task. This should be accompanied by the upgradation of runways, naval air stations, Jetties and storage facilities in Andaman – Nocobar command, which is India’s first Tri – Service command.
Simultaneously, must enhance defence diplomacy with IOR states through joint exercises, information sharing, and gratis (with out charge) transfer of certain military assets. Such proactive engagement can help ensure that their ties with China, do not undermine India’s security and Strategic interests.
India should also step up its island development programme to ensure sustainable development of its island territories. In particular, it should expedite the great Nicobar island project, which involves major transhipment port, an International airport, and a township to leverage the islands’ strategic location. Trade and Tourism should receive a boost as a result of these actions, so that remote island territories are not exploited by others.
Chinese stationing of troops on these countries territory or hosting its surveillance equipment on these ports should be unacceptable to India in documented form.
India’s ties with key maritime neighbours such as Srilanka and Maldives have improved as a result of visits exchanged between PM Narendra Modi and his counterparts. With Srilanka, the issue of continental shelf demarcation could crop up as there is conflict of claims over Afanasy Nikitin Sea Mount, which is rich in deep seabed minerals. Modi has recently announced a deep water exploration mission for critical minerals. India should involve these IOR nations to build further to enhance mutual trust. Failure to do so could potentially lead these IOR states to envisage a greater role for China in exploration activity in their EEZs. Moreever, there is a considerable potential for India to promote its outreach to Global South nations in the IOR through initiatives such as Mahasagar (Mutual and holistic advancement for security and growth across regions). This initiative needs to be showcased like China’s BRI project. India should rebrand its Lines of Credit and Indian Technical and economic cooperation programmes as well as existing cultural and economic schemes under the rubric of Mahasagar. These all objectives should be clearly documented and with clear execution of timelines.
As stated by Modi during the recent visit of his Mauritian counterpart, India remains fully committed to strengthening the security of Mauritius’ EEZ and enhancing its maritime capacity. India should similarly work with other IOR states on joint surveys, navigation charts and hydrographic data of their EEZs. Above all, India should develop both defensive and offensive capabilities, so as to dominate choke points during conflict.
China’s presence in IOR is a fact that can neither be wished away nor ignored. India’ efforts should be centred around IOR states so that we seize opportunities and complete projects on time. India’s credibility in his immediate neighbourhood must grow organically in the wake of successful high-level visits. Apart from proactive execution of strategic projects driven by the host Nation’s priorities, efforts should be made to enhance Intra- South Asian trade and investment flows. Failure to Grasp opportunities to emerge as the preferred choice as development partner in the IOR is Hardly an OPTION for India.
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