Pushp Saraf
pushapsaraf@yahoo.com
The spotlight has once again turned to Baloch nationalists waging an armed struggle for an independent and sovereign state separate from Pakistan. Since January 31, clashes with Pakistani security forces have intensified across the country’s largest province, marking one of the deadliest phases of the conflict in recent years. Nearly 200 people have reportedly been killed, including 22 security personnel-an unprecedented toll that has compelled the international community to take notice.
Violence, in all its forms, must be unequivocally condemned. Yet it is neither credible nor just to dismiss, through force or silence, the legitimate social, democratic, and economic aspirations of an entire people.
It is well known that peaceful protests in Balochistan have been ruthlessly crushed. The case of leading woman activist Mahrang Baloch and her supporters, who have been fighting against human rights abuses, is widely documented. She has been in jail since March 22, 2025. One consequence of the persecution of non-violent protesters like her has been the emergence and continued existence of armed militant outfits. The Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) is the most prominent among them and is frequently in the news.
The BLA has figured in the latest clashes across a wide territory, including the capital city of Quetta, as well as Mastung, Nushki, Dalbandin, Kharan, Panjgur, Tump, Gwadar, and Pasni. In one of its biggest appearances to date, the organisation has operated on a remarkable scale, virtually paralysing the entire region.
The official machinery has responded swiftly by imposing a ban on pillion riding on motorcycles, covering one’s face in public, the display or use of weapons, the movement of vehicles with tinted or blackened windows, and even peaceful gatherings-social, political, religious, or otherwise.
In a candid admission, Pakistan Defence Minister Khawaja Asif, speaking in parliament, conceded that there has been a challenging situation in Balochistan ever since the creation of Pakistan. He said that during the initial decades following Pakistan’s independence, the “overtones of this disturbance had a so-called political colour to them”. Moreover, he added, some grievances also existed: “Without going into details of whether they were right or wrong, but some grievances also had [undertones] of a nationalistic fervour.”
He stopped there, belying the initial impression that he would call a spade a spade. What he stated later revealed his country’s inability and frustration to resolve the difficult situation in the province. He dismissed the Baloch militants’ claim that they were carrying out a nationalistic movement. He described it instead as “a movement of criminals and smugglers” who had “fake covers of being nationalistic or political entities”. He went on to reiterate that it was “a movement of criminals”.
Like many other Pakistani leaders and the military, he also indulged in the familiar practice of blaming India for the unrest, alleging that Baloch militants were supported by India and were operating as “proxies” in the province. These anti-India assertions remain bereft of facts and evidence.
A contrasting perspective comes from political leaders who remain closely attuned to realities on the ground. Among the most prominent of these voices is Sardar Akhtar Mengal, president of his faction of the Balochistan National Party (BNP-M) and a former chief minister of the province. Widely regarded as the most formidable Baloch leader within Pakistan’s political mainstream, Mengal has consistently drawn attention to the plight of the Baloch people, sharply criticising successive Pakistani governments for their enduring neglect and indifference.
Dangerous situation
Commenting on the unfolding crisis, Mengal wrote on his social media platform X: “I have never seen such a dangerous situation in my entire life.” He reiterated with “full conviction” a warning he had issued months earlier-that no tribal chief could enter his own area without fear of militant attacks-describing this as a stark reality that should serve as a wake-up call for all. The security situation, he asserted, was “completely out of control”. He added: “We take no pleasure in seeing our land burn.”
Referring to the “hatred, oppression, and the misuse of power” that he said had persisted for years, Mengal argued that instead of heeding repeated warnings, the government had chosen to finance propaganda against those seeking a resolution to the province’s status. “Everyone knew this day would come, but no one chose to listen”, he lamented. He also criticised Pakistani institutions for “blindly” repeating the narrative that no serious problem existed in Balochistan.
Mengal’s assessment echoes sentiments shared by a significant segment of Pakistan’s political class. Raja Nasir Abbas Jafri, Leader of the Opposition in the Pakistan Senate, observed that most sitting lawmakers were not genuine representatives of the people and therefore lacked the legitimacy to speak on their behalf.
Even those who maintain that the state must act firmly against violence perpetrated by “terrorists” have conceded that a more prudent course would be to engage with peaceful protesters and open dialogue with those willing to talk. In an editorial, the prestigious daily Dawn, while arguing for neutralising violent actions, acknowledged that “long-term peace can only come about through a full and unhindered political process in the province. Those estranged elements that renounce violence and pledge to respect the Constitution should be engaged by the rulers. Also, until Balochistan’s natural wealth reaches its people, and alleviates their poverty and suffering, hostile actors will continue to exploit the situation.”
Writing in the same newspaper, journalist Arifa Noor questioned the logic of repression, asking: “how the imprisonment of women protesters, such as Mahrang Baloch, has helped with the security situation as it sends out the message that peaceful protests are not acceptable – leading many to conclude that for those who feel their voices are not being heard, violence is the only option.” She further pointed to “the issue of genuine representation in the province,” which she argued was “inextricably linked to the popularity of women protesters.” According to her, “there is a connection between the people of Balochistan opting for peaceful protests (and more) and the perceived unfairness of the elections in the province.” She noted that “the widespread disillusionment with the electoral process has led many people to look at protests and violence as a means of influencing the state,” concluding that “it is essential that people be enticed back to the electoral process. And this is a problem that has become a widespread crisis of faith.”
The cumulative weight of these voices-from seasoned political leaders to mainstream editorial opinion-underscores a stark reality: the crisis in Balochistan is not merely a security challenge but a political and moral failure.
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