The absence of a clear timeline for the restoration of elected local bodies in J&K has created a serious governance vacuum at the grassroots level, even as both the LG and the elected Government publicly commit to early elections. The situation has now reached a critical stage. Municipal bodies completed their tenure in late 2023; Panchayats and BDCs ceased to exist in January 2024, and DDCs are set to complete their term by February 24, 2026. With this, all three tiers of the Panchayati Raj structure risk disappearing simultaneously – an unprecedented institutional void in grassroots democracy. The Government maintains that preparations are underway, yet key institutional bottlenecks remain unresolved. The post of State Election Commissioner-constitutionally responsible for preparing electoral rolls and conducting local body elections-has remained vacant since 2025. At the same time, the report of the Backwards Classes Commission on reservations for OBCs in local bodies is still under examination. These two factors seem to have effectively stalled the election process despite repeated assurances of early polls.
While administrative challenges do exist, the prolonged delay raises deeper concerns about democratic continuity. The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments were introduced precisely to ensure that grassroots governance remains functional without interruption. Parliamentary committees have repeatedly stressed that Panchayat elections must be held every five years and completed within six months of dissolution to ensure uninterrupted rural governance and flow of development funds. The urgency is not merely constitutional – it is developmental. Panchayati Raj institutions are the execution engines of rural development. Major welfare and infrastructure schemes-housing, sanitation, employment, drinking water, and rural roads-depend heavily on local bodies’ participation in planning and execution. In the absence of elected representatives, administrative delivery becomes slower, less responsive and less accountable.
Jammu and Kashmir presents an even stronger case for early restoration of the three-tier system. Following political restructuring and phases of limited elected governance, Panchayats and local bodies became the most accessible democratic interface. They played a stabilising role by decentralising decision-making and ensuring participation in governance. The erosion of this layer risks reversing years of institutional confidence-building. Equally concerning is the waste of already created infrastructure and human capital. Hundreds of PanchayatBhawans have been constructed and equipped with digital connectivity. Lakhs of youth have been trained under e-governance and decentralised planning initiatives. These investments were meant to create a digitally empowered grassroots governance network. With elected institutions absent, much of this capacity remains underutilised, defeating the very objective of decentralised governance reform.
The reservation issue, while important, cannot become an indefinite barrier. The OBC reservation framework for local bodies was introduced following legal and constitutional requirements, and the Commission was constituted precisely to generate empirical data. The report has already been submitted, and prolonged examination without a decision risks appearing as administrative inertia rather than due diligence. Previous extensions of the Commission itself were also instrumental in delays. Another structural factor often cited is delimitation linked to census data. However, Panchayat delimitation in J&K cannot be undertaken without fresh census data, which has not been conducted since 2011. This effectively means elections cannot be held hostage to census-linked processes, because that would translate into an indefinite democratic freeze at the grassroots level.
What makes the delay more perplexing is the contrast with the rest of the country. Across India, local body elections are routinely conducted when terms expire, even when legal or administrative complexities exist. Courts and election commissions have consistently emphasised that elections must not be delayed indefinitely because local governance is a constitutional right of citizens. The political messaging also appears contradictory. The LG has emphasised timely elections as essential for transparency and participatory governance. The CM has reiterated commitment to restoring local bodies. Yet, without a declared roadmap or timeline, these commitments risk losing credibility. Governance requires predictability, and democracy requires certainty.
The most constructive way forward is clear: the Government must set a firm, publicly declared election timeline. Parallel action can be taken-filling the State Election Commissioner post immediately, finalising reservation notifications, and completing the remaining delimitation for urban bodies. Even if elections must be phased, a schedule must be announced. Indefinite waiting serves no stakeholder.
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